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As a Naga living in a remote part of Manipur, as a citizen of a heavily protracted militarised state and as a keen observer on the fast-evolving situation in Manipur for the past few years, seeing the present conflict in Manipur is not a surprise. It is happening on an expected line. Many people believe that the demand for Schedule Tribe by the Meitei community is the matrix of ethnic clash. However, what prompted the Meitei community to suddenly jump into the wagon of demanding Schedule Tribe in recent years, is not fully explored and analysed by many policy makers and media. This article sought to highlight some of the probable underlying factors that brought insecurity and subsequent demand of ST by Meiteis and conflict in the state.
Firstly, people living in remote part of Manipur always wish to come and settle down at Imphal for many reasons. The attraction is caused by the centralisation of development in the valley since 1972 when Manipur attained its statehood. Imphal serves as both economic and political centres. All the worth-mentioned infrastructures are in the valley such as international airport, educational and health institutions, administrative offices, games and sports infrastructure, tourism centres and others. This kind of developmental projects had already displaced thousands of inhabitants especially small farmers. On the other side, centralisation or concentration of developments attract more people from outside to come. Even the upcoming Railway Station that was inaugurated at Karong, Senapati, had been secretly shifted to Imphal. Now with the construction of railway line straight to Imphal, there is apprehension that the population of Meiteis will be overpopulated by outsiders (people from outside of the state). At the same time, with unequal development, there is no choice for the hill tribal people but to migrate to Imphal for job, education and settlement (permanent or temporary). Today, this is considered as threat by the Meiteis as the valley constitutes only about 10% of the total geographical area of the state. Since the inception of statehood, none of the state government (past and present) had the guts to bring development to the vast hill areas at par with the valley. The problem of hill people migrating to the valley could have been also arrested had the state government brought development to the hill areas at least in district headquarters and sub-divisional centres. Decentralisation of development and powers will certainly disperse the heavily populated population from Imphal valley as they go to the hill areas, settle and work in various offices and places although they may not be able to buy land for permanent settlement. This will provide platform for meaningful interaction and building confidence among the various communities. The present conflict thus lies in the failure and wrong policy of the state government.
[bsa_pro_ad_space id=1]The second factor that triggers conflict is heavy militarisation in the state. This issue, which is crucial in analysing conflict, is not seriously looked into and discussed by the dominant media. Manipur is one of the states with the highest number of Indian armed (security?) forces in the country. The present generation was born and brought up under the oppressive Indian armed forces protected by brutal law called Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act, 1958- AFSPA. The presence of large number of state armed forces made them feel insecure in their own land. They hadn’t experienced peace in their whole life and they tend to be very emotional and violent. They are mentally disturbed and depressed. They often become the victims of ruthless counter insurgency operations including sexual harassment, torture, looting, beating, and even death. Unconsciously this made them to internalise that violence is part of their life. With the internalisation of violence as a form of protecting life, every issue (even petty issue) or conflict is met with violent action. Thus, the present generation (both men and women) often exhibit violent behaviour created by insecurity under militarisation. The other issue of militarisation in the state is the physical occupation of the large areas of land by armed security forces. In some places in Imphal valley, the area of land occupied by state security force exceeds that of the villagers. For instance, from Sangakpham Bazaar to Koreingei Duck Farm, Imphal, a distance of 5.5. km, the security forces have occupied some 470 acres of land. The occupation of Loktak Lake (where around 10,000 people directly or indirectly depend for livelihood), sacred places like Chinga Hills, educational institutions and prime agricultural land by Indian armed security forces have added fuel to the land starved valley area. The state’s ever-patronizing activity of military establishment is posing a great threat to life and livelihood of common people.
Thirdly, there is the issue of the Meiteis as majority and the Meiteis as minority. There is an uneven ethnic composition with proportion to geographical area in the state. As far as the population of Manipur is concerned, Meiteis formed the largest group. And comparing with the other tribal ethnic groups, majority of the Meiteis are much more developed educationally, economically and politically. Although they live in a very compact land mass, they have been blessed by nature with fertile agricultural land. Also, they have blessing in terms of political privilege (40 MLAs out of 60 MLAs) in the State. The vast unequal political and economic status between the Meiteis and the tribal people made the latter feel insecure in allowing the Meiteis getting schedule tribe status. If that happens tribal people might lose their land resources and job reservation opportunity as the cannot compete with the Meiteis. On the other hand, Meiteis are minority in the larger context of India. Development of international airport, railway, four lane road (Trans-Asian Highway), is bound to bring lakhs of people from outside the state. This will change the demographic face of Manipur in general and the valley area in particular. In this context, Meiteis could be considered giving Schedule Tribe to protect themselves from the onslaught of continuous flow of immigrants from the mainland India. However, this should not be at the cost of hill tribal people in Manipur. The win-win formula would be that of maintaining age-old tradition of land and its resources through dual administration system (one for the hill and the other for the valley people). Assurance may be given that Hill Area Committee, Hills Autonomous District Council and certain provision mandated by Constitution (Art. 371C) for the welfare and protection of hill tribal people would continue to exist even after the recognition of Meiteis as schedule tribe. The tribal people can then help rather than oppose the Meiteis in getting Schedule Tribe status under the Constitution of India.
At the end, the present conflict may be understood primarily as a contestation over land and its resources by the state and different ethnic groups. Population is growing but land does not grow. State’s policy of centralisation of modern infrastructures and concentration of powers especially in a land-locked Imphal valley area can cause ethnic conflict even in the future. The state needs to revisit its policy of grabbing common land, water sources and forest in the name of development and Reserved Forest. Bringing thousands of armed security forces to maintain law and order is not a long-term and viable solution. The state must stop patronising military establishment and settlement in Manipur and the occupied land must be given back to the people. Many have lost their land, livelihood and life. The state government and various CSOs should initiate meaningful dialogue among the different ethnic groups and help them to come out with the best alternative to live together. Political leaders with vested interest and individuals playing communal and religious card in fuelling ethnic conflict should be identified and sternly dealt with. Conflict must be stopped and normal life must begin at the earliest.
Z. K. Pahrű Pou
Mission Colony, Pfutsero