The 3rd August Framework Accord and its mystic package

The Naga Peace Accord declared on the 3^rd August was a pleasant surprise to all those who are concern and has brought a lot of relief but not a sense of achievement. The initial euphoria declaring it as ‘Historic’ is now tuning down into a sense of confusion.  For, the package is still a mystery which may contain only an empty loud sounding nothing at the final count. It deserves appreciation for the bold initiative of the P.M and his trusted interlocutor and the Naga National leaders, who are mandated by the Nagas for engaging in the political negotiation. However, the ‘Accord’ has created loud ruckus in the neighboring States on a mere speculative suspicion are becoming louder coupled with the protest from other national political parties may have a compromising effect on the final shape. If that is so, the final agreement might fail to satisfy the expectation or might even fail to come to a final stage of negotiated agreement. It will then remain a mere “Historical Framework Accord” Thus, while praying for its success; it is too premature to jump to any conclusion of success or failure. The skepticism is based on many pass historical failures on the attempt made to solve the Indo-Naga political impasse, which I feel the Nagas should recapitulate for reference. History tells an unmistakable truth of the events of the past. The Naga political history during its long epic Naga journey starting from the formation of the Naga United Club in1918 at Kohima, the very symbol of Naga political awakening; is jiggered with many disappointing events. The Naga Club of Kohima initially anchored the shaping of the political road map for the Nagas starting from the Memorandum submitted  before the “Simon Statutory Commission in 1929  asking the commission to treat them as a  different people by not  including  the Naga Hills in the schemes of Reform. This had resulted into declaring Naga Hills as an “excluded areas” which meant keeping out of the purview of any provincial laws. It was a clear assertion of independent nationalistic character of the Nagas which was subsequently concretized into a core political agenda. The 9 points agreement in 1946:- An agreement made between the governor of Assam Sir Akbar Hyder Ali and the NNC leaders. The content of the agreement had, apart from other points, clearly come out with the two core demands: First- the restoration of Naga alienated territories back to the traditional Naga owners. Second,the recognition of the Naga independent identity of the Nagas. In (clause-9) incorporation of the formation of an Interim- custodian government for a period of 10 yrs was made. On the expiry of the period, the Nagas themselves would decide their future whether to remain with India or not. Unfortunately, the Nagas were too naive to believe in the sincere implementation of the agreement by all concern but it had failed mainly due to lack of understanding and appreciation of freedom loving character and spirit of the Nagas. There was no sincere intention to really implement the agreement by the officials of the government of India. Bangi meeting with Gandhiji:- the  NNC leaders led by Phizo, in their meeting with the father of the Nation at his resident at Bangi colony in N Delhi on 19 July 1947, Gandhiji, during their interactions had remarked that the “Naga has every right to be independent” if they decide not to be part of India union. He had assured them that he would come to Naga country if force was used to suppress Naga aspiration for independent existence. Unfortunately before long, Gandhiji was assassinated and thereby lost a sympathetic leader who understood the Nagas’ position and had commanded their confidence. He could have been relied upon for advice at the time of crisis at that formative stage. Trust Territory:- Another missed opportunity was of a proposal for a Crown Colony, initiated  by Lord Robert Reid, former Governor of Assam, who had intimate knowledge about the areas and the psyche of the tribal people. The territorial jurisdiction of the colony would consist of the then Naga Hills district, the north-east frontier areas and the upper Burma tribal areas inhabited mainly by the naga tribals to be administered from London (white hall). It was further modified by Sir Regionald Coupland a British constitutional expert who had term it as a Trust Territory to be looked after and guaranteed by both India and Burma to protect the interest of the vulnerable tribal people. Besides few opposition from British officials, the Naga leader (NNC member) had opposed it stating that “when the British quit India they must quit from Naga Hills”. The Trust Territory plan was to organize as soon as the World War II was over if it was agreed upon. It is believed that “If only Naga lent a slightest support; the colony would have been a reality” (Alemchiba). The Kohima visit of the prime minister of India and Burma,on 30.3.1953:- Another unfortunate incident has been the Indian P.M Nehru and Burmese P.M U.Nu visit to Kohima on 30^th March 1953 which was boycotted by the Nagas due to mishandling by the then Kohima D.C Barkataki who did not allow the Naga elders to meet the two prime ministers or to submit even a memorandum thereby the goodwill visit of the two prime ministers was turned into a tragic humiliation of the two National leaders. Otherwise, it was a rare opportunity to present and bargain for the recognition of the naga rights and extract concession from the two prime ministers who had the power to influence the future status of the Nagas. By 1954 onward, the situation in Naga Hills had turn into a real nightmarish reign of terrors, unleashed on the Naga people. No reporters were allowed to visit the affected areas, followed by subsequent adaptation of a series of the Draconian laws e.g. Naga Hills Disturbed Area ordinance AFSPA, Assam maintenance of public order laws etc and were applied in Naga hills areas to subjugate and suppress the peoples’ will by force committing all sort of heinous crimes with impunity. Creation of Nagaland Statehood:- While the situation in naga areas were undergoing an extremely  difficult time, the Naga Public in their 3^rd  convention at  Mokokchung in October 1958 resolved to demand an statehood for the Nagas as the solution to the Naga political turmoil. The 16(sixteen) points memorandum was formulated to be the basis for creation of the Nagaland state. Initially the then PM Nehru was not in favor of a full-fledged statehood status as the Nagas did not possess the qualifying criteria such as, the size, number, fund and the capability, instead granting of more local autonomy was preferred. But when suddenly Mr Phizo landed in London in June 1960 to present the Naga political issue in the UN Body for support of the western world, and to raise the serious human right violation by the Indian army atrocities by the indiscriminate killing, raping, maiming, burning of villages, destroying granaries, etc all over the Naga inhabited areas that were unknown to the world till then; the Indian National leaders were alarmed and embarrassed by the shocking exposure. It had a dramatic effect in the attitude of the Indian leader in reversing the initial objection to the statehood.  As a counter, Statehood was hurriedly created on the basis of the 16 point memorandum which had become   the 16 point agreement after it was suitably modified. However, statehood had not created the desired effect as the solution to the naga issue,   instead it had provoked a deeper intensified feelings of resentment in the mind of the people mainly because it had failed to address any of the core issues which could have been possible more easily then namely, the restoration of the naga alienated territories back to the Naga traditional owners. And the contiguous Naga inhabited areas to be brought into the newly formed Nagaland state at the time of its statehood. It had tragically, triggered more violence and created wider differences even among the local people. The vertical division among the Naga between the supporters of the statehood who were term as ‘the naga Indians’ and the one who were against were known as ‘the Naga nationalists’. On such basis, political assassinations amongst the nagas had started in broad daylight by shooting Dr Imkongliba, an architect of the statehood on his return from Delhi after the meeting on statehood. The distinctions were made between the Nagas people from within the state of Nagaland and from outside had become sharper affecting the larger interest of the Naga unity. The intensification of the divisive tendencies as the result of the formation of the state had created far reaching bigger problems in the long run outweighing its beneficial effect if we view from the larger perception of the Nagas as one people, struggling for entity of one nation in the making. No doubt there were beneficial effect like more jobs creation, more fund for the development activities which would have come little later. It would not be wrong to assume that if incorporation of the alienated territories along the border of Assam and integration of the willing Naga inhabited areas were included within the geographical territorial jurisdiction prior to the Statehood; continuation of the naga movement could have become irrelevant by now. It was seen that in any attempt in the past to bring solution through  agreement/accord relating to the Indo-Naga political problem, it is observed that the main reason for failure was, for ignoring the two main key issues namely, the independent entity of the Nagas and the restoration  of the alienated naga territories. This is a lesson for any future effort. The 1^st ceasefire of 1964:- The political divide deteriorated after the inauguration of the new state on 1^st Dec. 1961. The army atrocities and political killing had increased. At this darkest moment of the Naga history, another ray of hope for a peaceful solution had come with an agreement for cessation of armed conflict between the Naga U.G (Federal Government of Naga) and the Government of India which came into effect from 6^th Sept. 1964. It was made possible with the intervention of NBCC (Nagaland Baptist Church Council) Peace Mission consist of Rev. M. Scott, Shri Chaliha the former Chief Minister of Assam and Sarvodaya leader Shri Jaya Prakash Narayan. With a very high hope for almost 2 years, political talks at Prime Ministerial level was held attempting to find an  acceptable  solution. It is said that during the talks, Mrs Indira Gandhi, the then PM of India was very serious about bringing satisfaction to the Naga aspiration and even offered to accommodate their demands by entering into a new arrangement within the frame work of the Indian Union, not necessarily within the constitution which actually meant a real “shared Sovereignty” The Suisa Plan;-A popular Tangkhul leader Mr R.Suisa (Ex MP from outer Manipur constituency) had formulated a Plan known as the Suisa Plan which he had submitted on 27-10-1966 to both Indian PM and Naga negotiating leaders to the naga peace talk suggesting a formula of a ‘shared sovereign power’. His plan was examined in both officials as well as the prime ministerial talks. In course of the talk, an almost semi-independent status to the nagas was in the agenda to accommodate their demand. Even a leader like Jaya Prakash Narayan was very encouraging who remarked that it is possible for the Nagas to enjoy the fullest independence within the Indian union, “you can live in a nation and preserve your integrity” Dr. Aram quoted in his book on the Nagas ( P 117).However, the  talk which had started with high expectation had  tragically  ended  after the  6^th  rounds of meeting on 5^th Oct 1967  amidst allegations and  counter  allegations of breaking the cease fire agreement by both the Indian and the naga  group.  Mr Ramunny, the then commissioner of Nagaland had attributed the main failure to the Naga leaders “when they were firm, arrogant and even unreasonable” on their core stand of full sovereign Independent nationhood; thereby the political talk broke down. Shillong Accord 11.11.1985:- It was a truncated peace accord forced on the U G Federal Government set up under pressure from Mr L P Singh, the then Governor of Assam and Nagaland .Perhaps it was signed as an interim relief from the intensified operation of the  Army.  It had not only failed to bring the intended solution but has also brought more division among the federal group of UG known as the Accordist and the Non-Accordist creating more self- destructive factions. The Nagas of today: - Keeping the background historical events in our mind and in the context of the new initiative of ‘frame work accord’ it is felt pertinent for all the naga to individually and collectively reflect and sincerely  think what could be the  best possible bargaining agenda to arrive at the  acceptable solution. Which would not only satisfy the core cherished common goals but will clearly define the future road map for the nagas to grow in unity, creating a new prosperous strong and vibrant society giving emphasis on reconstruction of the dislocated and disunited nagas affected badly by  nearly a century old conflict.  Today the Naga public especially the new generation who are the main stakeholders are much more enlightened and matured then before in understanding  the challenges before them in the context of the reality of the world. Many of them are not as pre-occupied as the older generations were in the Naga political independent movement. Therefore, most of them are not fully aware of the real issues involved, that many of them are disconnected with the naga political impasse which cannot be simple ignored. They have different perception, different priority and different agenda for their future. The Nagas society today is suffering from a fatigue syndrome not only out of the prolonged political struggle without a finding a tangible solution but more so by the self contradictions and weakness contributing to the physical suffering and mental agony of the people. The divisive tendency, intolerant of each other, self righteous and selfishness attitudes are prominently evident today. Mushrooming of factional organizations preoccupied with factional clashes, actively slandering each other is damaging their overall image. Such self destructive indulgences led to the lost of public confidence and support and disillusionment of the people. It creates a tremendous confusion in the mind leading into frustration.  The factional cadres are becoming uncontrollable, restless and indiscipline. Many are involving in all sort of criminal activities of extortion, cheating, and harassing innocent public day in day out thereby eroding the goodwill and support based of the people without whom no faction can survive nor has the justification to exist calling itself as the champion of the Naga cause. The Nagas today are aware of what is required to do and expect from the true leaders and patriotic workers for the common good. They expect the true leaders to be above party politics, factions, family interest, tribal or regional interest and parochialism in such a delicate multi-tribal society like ours. The common interest should be the priority concern only then they shall command the respect and trust of the people and safeguard the unity and interest effectively. All said and done, Mr. Phizo had a clean image untainted by tribalism and parochialism thereby he could command the loyalty and respect of the whole Nagas behind him for the common cause. His best legacy to the nagas has been the political awakening and charting out of the road map of political journey of the Nagas. The present framework accord is a golden opportunity for all the nagas irrespective of the group, tribe or region to revive the spirit of the chingmai accord of coming together in pursuance of a common goal for a honorable settlement to the long journey of political struggle stretching over nearing a century. It is certainly a very tall order which demand a complete trust and understanding of each other between the parties involved in the negotiation. Only then they can identify, segregate and discuss the real issues with trust and frankness to arrive at the compromises respecting each others’ problem and position. The present team appears to have that equation between them. The Naga team lead by none other than the collective leaders (Mr Issac Swou,  and Mr Muivah ) who are the living examples of supreme sacrifice and dedication in the pursuit of the naga political goal. They deserve the respect and unreserved support of all to carry on the negotiation as mandated by the Nagas in 2004. They can be trusted for their in-depth knowledge, wisdom and commitment to bargain for the best advantage in the interest of all the Nagas. After a long frustrating, protracted parlay for the last 18 years with no tangible outcome, the hope of an acceptable solution appears within reach now with the new initiative. It is also heartening to know the open offer and appeal from the collective leaders to   forget the past mistakes, commissions and omissions and look to the common good of the future afresh. On the other side, the dynamic Indian PM who understands the problems and is  prepared to go extra mile to accommodate the demands in the best possible manner at the earliest. It is a favorable opportune moment as the PM has the political strength in parliament to make the Accord/Agreement a reality. The responsibility now is on the negotiating team to finalize the details nitty-gritty of power sharing in time on the basis of the Frame Work declared recently. At this crucial juncture, the unstained support of all the Nagas and sharing of considered suggestions about what should be included in the final package in the interest of the people. Sharing of such considered ideas and suggestions from the enlightened nagas irrespective of the tribes or background will give a sense of involvement of the people which will give a lot of encouragements to the parties engaged in negotiations. We all need to make a concerted effort to give a fair chance for a lasting peace for an honorable settlement which the Nagas deserve but eluded so far. On the part of the negotiating Naga team, should make extensive consultation with the people who matters on behalf of the stakeholders before the finalization of the detail accord. As remarked once by Albert Eistien, “the significant problem we face cannot be solved at the same level of thinking we were at, when we started it.”  Thus, the earlier persistent demand of recognizing the status of a sovereign- independent naga nation as a non- negotiable issue has now been compromised and accepted the power sharing settlement  under the principle of ‘Shared Sovereignty” as contain in the recent frame work signed. The   Naga public has also tacitly accepted it as the best possible pragmatic approach in the present changed scenario. However, on the question of integration; how the core issue is interpreted during the negotiating process will be the main concern by all. The other detail concessions on the power sharing, the economic package etc will form important part the final deal. However, will the integration of political, socio-cultural and economic integration without physical territorial definition satisfy the basic core demand which had been the focal point of all the past Indo-Naga attempted negotiations? One can reasonably visualize how any Pan-Council (if such an provision is adopted) embracing all the Naga inhabitants in different states in the region will function for the promotion and development of political, economic and socio-cultural integration of the Pan-Naga cutting across not only inter-state boundaries but transcending across the international boundary covering the fellow Nagas living in Burma which cannot be abandoned to ensure comprehensive inclusive arrangement. This is a tricky matter that calls for the finest diplomatic balancing with outmost sense of equitable justice. The issue of physical integration of the naga inhibited areas in the neighboring states, and return of the alienated naga territories back to the nagas has been a bone of contention which is more intensified now. While the Nagas consider it legitimate demand and not also as an anti-national because  such changes on state boundaries are permitted under Articles 3&4 of the constitution of India. In fact, it could fulfill the long cherished overwhelming desire of the people living in the adjacent compact areas which was arbitrarily divided on subjective reasons in the past. On the other hand, the neighboring states are determined not to allow such transfer even though they know the historical background that the inhabitants are the nagas. One wonder how the overwhelming desire of the Nagas for the integration of (a) the contiguous Naga areas where the inhabitants are on their own volition desire to merge in the most peaceful democratic manner under one administrative umbrella with the other fellow  Nagas, and (b) the demand for return of the alienated Naga territories back to the original owners by recognizing the historical wrong of the past can be considered unreasonable and selfish demand of the Nagas. The continuous possession of those alienated land or preventing merger against the overwhelming desire of the people in the areas will amount to forced denial of minority right or a case of forced obstruction in exercising their legitimate and democratic right as the case may be, in India which is the largest democratic county where the then first PM Nehru in parliament on 7^th August 1952 declared,”we want no forced marriage, or forced union” . All these issues, in its ultimate analysis, it is the people who matter. Let the people decide whether to remain as it is or will amalgamate with the fellow Nagas by allowing through a Referendum   in determining their future on their own free will, like the Scottish way in the recent past where the Scottish voted to remain under UK. The Nagas demands are legitimate and the suggested process of decision is peaceful, democratic, recognizing the ultimate power the people. The neighboring states should not adopt unethical pressure tactics to deny the long felt rights or incite the people with false propaganda. Within the scope of shared Sovereignty” in the coming days, the leaders will be engaged in defining the final road map of the Naga future after an almost a century rough epic journey for self- determination during which thousands of the finest young nagas lives have been sacrificed, and the people as a whole had endured a long traumatic suffering to achieve a goal. The policy of subjugation by brute force have failed to break the core will of the people and survived the onslaught of the reign of terror all those years which are still fresh in the mind of many who were victims or have seen the happening. They could withstand the ordeals because in the heart of every Naga there was strong belief which could not be compromised. One of them is coming together emotionally, physically all the nagas under a uniform governance system. In the final Accord, all those supreme sacrifices made are not honored by incorporating the ideal and vision in some way for which they had given their lives, the final settlement may not be considered honorable and acceptable. No doubt, it is the very best opportunity that should not be missed and every encouragement and support must be extended to the negotiators for equitably just, honorable and acceptable final settlement. Now that the Naga core issue of sovereign independent country has been compromised in the form of sovereign power sharing, in the final package the honor of coming together of all Nagas in an acceptable form is a must to ensure success in the deal. Let all the enlightened Nagas irrespective of where we are extend all support and pray for divine intervention for an acceptable settlement to finally end of the long journey enduring all sort of suffering in a hope of a better future. Let all the Nagas have the last laughter of joy with the outcome.