By Monalisa Changkija | EMN
To comprehend what is happening politically in Nagaland, especially since early July, we need to look much beyond party and electoral politics because the State of Nagaland is a political creation and the shadows of the politics that led to its creation have never dissipated despite almost fifty-four years of statehood. While at one level, the imbroglio within the Naga People’s Forum looks like a simple case of dissent within the party spilling over to a contest in the state Assembly, several other political levels also co-exist and entwine here, which are not merely corollaries of the seemingly soundless shadows of Nagaland’s political past but are also indelible silhouettes continuously predominant on party and state politics.
So, while ostensibly the accusations of nepotism has been hurled at Nagaland Chief Minister Dr Shurhozelie Liezietsu when he appointed his son as Advisor, his style of functioning, etc., which his supporters refute, there appears to be much more than meets the eye. Recently, in an interview with a news agency, Dr. Liezietsu too has conceded that he heads a minority Government but he also insists that those opposing his leadership are from within his own party therefore the issue is party-related, not a constitutional issue. His perspective may have prompted him to go to court vis-à-vis Nagaland Governor’s call for a floor test. Further, his supporters maintain that Dr. Liezietsu’s fight against the rampant corruption in the state has turned some of his party’s Legislators against him. But that is also hard to swallow because this explanation attempts to reduce the NPF imbroglio to a corrupt versus anti-corrupt battle untenable considering corruption has always been an indelible stamp of governance in Nagaland. Moreover, being the NPF President, Dr. Surhozelie Liezietsu has also been a part of the NFP-Led DAN Government since 2003 and it is hard to believe that he just woke up to the rampant corruption in Nagaland only now.
So while much attention is focused on the numbers game in this imbroglio, there is no or little attention focused on what Dr. Surhozelie Liezietsu and his supporters stand for, and what TR Zeliang and his supporters stand for ideologically although ideology is one word very difficult to associate with Nagaland politics and politicians. While, Nagaland’s politics and politicians have the reputation of being more focused on power and pelf, there is also the issue of muscle power that has become an integral part of our politics, perhaps as the main stairway to power ~paving the way to pelf.
Now, who provides the muscle power is another issue that cannot be separated from who gets elected because muscle power does not come without strings attached. And, it would be naïve to believe that the lumpen elements are the only ones available for a fee. Despite disavowing the Indian Constitution, all sections of what we now call Naga Political Groups (NPGs) have always “participated” in Nagaland’s electoral politics however the nature of such “participation” has changed since the Assembly 1998 elections. No longer is cash the main consideration for “participation” in electoral politics the fee apparently also includes a greater say in government formation and portfolio allocation.
Then there has always been a “middle-ground”, hob-nobbing within the parameters of our electoral politics, which also have its own price. The middle-ground is generally perceived to consist of our NGOs and civil societies, which are sometimes even daubed as frontal organizations of one or another of our NPGs, as also the “socio-cultural wings” of political parties. Particularly since the late 1990s, the middle-ground has been mainstreamed into the state’s governance and since 2003 governance was more or less out-sourced to them so they also have an imprint on electoral politics, perhaps government formation too all elections to the Nagaland Assembly since 2003 point to that.
So no, the revolt within the NFP is not a simple matter of numbers and dissatisfaction with the Chief Minister. There are numerous compulsions that have already existed all these decades and newer ones that continuously emerge, especially with a changed political dispensation in the country, as well as compulsions of forces that seek a dominant role in Nagaland’s all levels of state politics.
Then there are comparatively newer entrants, e.g. the BJP, to “conquer” all states, which with just four MLAs, is already a part of the NPF-led DAN Government. It also wants a greater say both in the state Assembly and the larger political discourse in the state keeping its sight firmly on the 2018 Assembly elections with the hope of changing equations with the NPF in Government formation. So, if the BJP is on the course to remove hurdles, it shouldn’t be surprising. And possibly Dr. Liezietsu is perceived as a hurdle ~ his staunch regionalist credentials could be a factor although him having recently said that the NPF and the BJP are “natural allies” is a mystery, and portentous, for such a die-hard regionalist. Now, with the NPF severing ties with the BJP on July 18, the shadows and silhouettes of Nagaland politics are likely to be reshaped.
Then there is the Framework Agreement of August 3, 2015. During his recent visit to Nagaland, the Centre’s Interlocutor for the talks with the NSCN-IM reportedly said that the Government of India wants to arrive at a settlement before the 2018 Nagaland Assembly elections. Now, this is another compulsion that would definitely impact on politics in Nagaland considering that Nagaland NGOs and civil societies have demanded that details of the said Agreement be disclosed and all sections of Naga society, including all NPGs, be included in the talks with the Centre to settle issues pertaining to Nagaland. Under the circumstances, two questions arise: what and how much would be the NPF imbroglio’s impact on the Central Government’s wish for a settlement before the 2018 Assembly elections? And, is the same wish impacting on the NPF now? There is much more than meets the eye here and to clearly see through the opaqueness and ambiguity of politics in Nagaland, much more than conventional political analyses is required.
