Kekhrie Yhome
WILL Chief Minister Rio contest in the coming 16th Lok Sabha elections? Will it benefit Nagaland, or even NE? What better job do we have than speculate?
It all started when whispering murmurs resonated into deafening noise. The tongue of CM Rio himself lubricated the original juicy gossip, earlier this year. Riding on an overwhelmingly successful Assembly election, it was temporarily ruined by dissatisfaction over portfolio distribution. NPF-legislators were reined in, with Rio expressing his willingness to step down. Step down? It was magnanimous; but it also worked, cleverly reiterating who runs the show. Autumn then came to an end—and, once again, the birds were chirping joyfully and busy building nests, even as the amazing foliage of spring greens and flowers re-enveloped the parch of the land. CM Rio, undisputedly, is unquestionable.
Into the third term, the eclectic mood of negotiating a difficult celebration was however soon disrupted: the cruelest ever monsoon faced by DAN-government. The treasury coffers were found to be empty. With budget session coming up, extra-large clouds loom gloomily over Mt. Japfü. With the first raindrop hitting the dusty earth, financial desperations turn into a flood. Ever bold CM Rio bravely played the bereaved-but-consoler role—casually but discretely interviewing his legislators on a one-to-one basis, about their opinions should he decide to go away as an MP to Delhi. The distraction worked briefly too, like a painkiller, for Delhi is where the golden goose lays its eggs.
The message was however clear—there is absolutely no public fund in Nagaland. Whispering murmurs also start spreading like wild fire, peacefully maturing into rumours. The Government of Nagaland subsequently presented a depreciated state budget —almost Rs. 500 Cr. short the cost value of Mukesh Ambani’s private residence Attila on the Arabian seashore at Mumbai.
Rumours soon turn into virtual imagination. The desperate chorus of ‘only the Chief Minister knows best how to bring Central Funds’ grew stronger! Especially post-chalo-Delhi consultations! CM Rio, perhaps, was, after all, serious! Matter of fact, the Lok Sabha seat from Nagaland was then equally vacant, against 51 Noksen A/C. Imaginations became real when NSCN-K’s (Part II) Supremo Kitovi gave a courtesy call to Nagaland Home Minister Shri Kaito, not necessarily on a Mughal style, but as the possibly hopeful next, in line to the political throne of Chief Ministership.
Plan B was then hurriedly ushered in: mint money if there is no money! It looks smooth, like a well-rehearsed high school skit. “Dig Oil.” It was boldly smart, but flubbingly blinded with lustfulness. For, never in Naga history of public affairs and governance, has the rank of an Under Secretary, Government of India, been debated with such impudence, or contested more vigorously, when Plan B went berserk. The Union Ministry of Petroleum raised its antenna, over the overt plans to twist Article 371(A) for a luxurious but muffled feast of oil prospecting, through preferred global tenders. In the midst of such hullabaloo, a malignant tumor was discovered in the financial sickness: the limit for credit facility has dried out with overdraft. Moreover, 2013 being the golden jubilee year of Nagaland statehood under Union of India—monetary expenditures are required much beyond fire-cracking fiesta and gala!
Hurriedly, quick fix but knee-jerk austerity measures were martially imposed. Foreign travels were curbed, without permission. Advertisements for all departments were DIPR-centralized. Revenue rules for a hitherto un-taxed coal extraction became fashionable. Development Priority Lists, in the hurdle race to New Delhi’s finishing line, were processed bypassing Nagaland Development Commissioner’s office. NLCPR, the mother-agency certifying all wannabe NE-politicians on a self-importance rally, too, turned paralytic. Frustration renamed itself: Luckless Nagaland 2013!
With financial luck hitting a low, surprises were also expected. With the captain of a financially unstable ship away on a foreign soil (Japan & Indonesia, to be precise), a malevolent coup aimed at sabotaging CM Rio’s plan to contest 2014 Lok Sabha election was hurriedly staged on 23rd September, by an all-party DAN-politburo. The absent-father-complex was played: we need him more than any other times! Apart from financial frustration, a far-fetched fear of political instability also did its scuttlebutt round.
But no sooner the aircraft carrying CM touches Dimapur, fears were dispelled and detractors went on a diet control. The over enthusiastic ranting of a failed political coup also slowly receded away as adolescent memories. The attempt, as discovered later, was, but to strengthen Rio’s leadership! CM Rio then announced publicly that it is “true”—about his indecisive desire for an MP shot.
Will 2014 be the year of Namo Modi and Neiphiu Rio? Will capitalistic power emerge by merging two extremes: western and eastern India? Will Modi become the Prime Minister and Rio the first Naga Union Cabinet Minister? Modi and counterpart Rio have been successfully ruling their states a third term each. Both are charismatically aggressive but opulent with the poor. Both are fashion conscious! Modi is seen as a complicit terror to minority Muslims whereas Rio is seen as an implicit crusader out to accommodate minority outsiders.
NPF and BJP have been like-minded parties together, although DAN government gives outside support to the ruling UPA. A Christian-fanatic state and a Hindu-fundamentalist state coming together is no new game changer. The objective will be mutual: seize power. A ruthless “equi-closeness” to reap the benefit for a cash-crunch Nagaland is what seems to be perturbing Rio’s present motivation. Equi-closeness is an old formula for power mongering, but it worked once, then.
Financially narrating bygone tales as special and unique history to the 14th Finance Commission will not magically transform the economic landscape of Nagaland. Despite the nitty-gritty of Centre-State financial relations having undergone major transformation past post-liberalization in India, the old pattern of centre-directed development funding has not changed. The old trick of showing cold feet to non-party ruling states has also not changed, although the quantum of UPA’s populist flagship schemes has managed to sustain smaller states insofar.
A small state like Nagaland therefore stands to profit only when it allies with a ruling centre. Like Baba Hollohon’s loathe for opposition bench, frail and tiny economies like Arunachal Pradesh and Manipur states have been traditionally and pragmatically changing party colour to match whoever comes to power in Delhi. Only belligerent states like Nagaland and Mizoram, despite unstable financial sources, continue to prove their primeval ego qualities but as foolish losers. Tripura and Sikkim, although regionally ruled, are economically more stable. With only one Lok Sabha seat, how does one expect Rio to become a Union Cabinet Minister?
The gamble for Rio to advance his courtship to Modi (that is) would surely depend on how many North-East MPs he can tow into his kitty-bag. Other states where NPF has presence have already set the ball rolling. NPF aspirant Sword Vashum has already spread his Outer-Manipur constituency seat campaign to Delhi, trying to capture the young students’ mind. In Arunachal Pradesh, other parties have started making noise against NPF’s “intrusive” plans.
A wee 4-5 NE MPs backing Rio will effortlessly make him a Union Cabinet Minister (that is) if BJP-Modi becomes prime minister. To bet on this Rio will have to firstly support MP candidates across party lines, financially. In Assam, he can afford to sponsor a regional party each from Karbi Anglong and Bodo-land, and tie-up with Asom Gana Parishad, or even the migrant Muslim party (AIUDF). Mizoram will have a seductive mind of its own. In Meghalaya, the Purno Sangma family will be his natural ally but also his nemesis. Tripura is out of bounds.
And—that is, if Rio is serious, NPF party funds will not be enough. It also implies a corpus to be finally taken out from the jealously protected family chest. CM Rio going to Delhi will vindicate the linear progression of a political life, unlike the lately redundant habit of sending unintelligent and graceless MPs from Nagaland, only to be found wandering alone or sitting on the fence cheerlessly.
The sluggish rustles of autumn leaves shall soon become wintry dusts. A Union-level Joint Secretary, steering an average department, single-handedly disburses annual funds more than the entire five-year budget of a small state like Nagaland. Small is not politically beautiful, especially in a militant majority-democracy like India. Neiphiu Rio, undisputedly, is unquestionably the indisputable, as of now. Will he challenge the status quo of how public funds are controlled and directed from the Centre? How will the future remember him: is he average or quotable? What is his achievement for Nagaland, beyond his locale, till today, spectacular enough for history to remember? Will he dare prove what the public knows him best as: the capitalist-politician partner-opportunist? Will this chilly winter be warmly comforted by the wishful and eager thoughts of sitting next to Prime Minister Namo Modi, in the coming spring? Only, politics is but a poor guarantor.
(The author can be contacted at kekhrie@yahoo.com)
