As India approaches a crucial phase of democratic restructuring through the proposed expansion and delimitation of Parliamentary and Legislative Assembly seats, a fundamental question arises here.
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As India approaches a crucial phase of democratic restructuring through the proposed expansion and delimitation of Parliamentary and Legislative Assembly seats, a fundamental question arises here. Should representation in Lok Sabha and State Legislative Assemblies be determined solely by population or should it reflect a broader vision of federal balance, equity and national cohesion?
The two Bills proposed to be introduced in the Special Session of Parliament starting April 16 seek to achieve three key objectives: (a) to raise the Lok Sabha ceiling from 543 to 850 seats (815 from States and 35 from Union Territories); (b) to replace the constitutional freeze that pegged seat allocation to the 1971 Census with an open-ended framework allowing Parliament to determine the census basis through ordinary law and (c) to constitute a Delimitation Commission that would use the latest Census i.e. the 2011 Census to redraw boundaries and reallocate seats. One of the stated purposes of this exercise is to operationalise women’s reservation under the Nari Shakti Vandan Adhiniyam, 2023 (also known as the Women’s Reservation Act, 2023), a landmark constitutional reform aimed at increasing women’s representation in politics. This aspect is discussed separately below.
The Current Debate
The present debate, anchored in the use of the 2011 Census for seat allocation has triggered deep concerns among southern and northeastern states. These regions argue rightly that a purely population-based formula risks distorting the federal balance of power and undermining the principles of cooperative federalism that underpin India’s democracy.
The Population Paradox
Over the past five decades, India has witnessed divergent demographic trajectories. Southern states such as Tamil Nadu, Kerala, Karnataka, and Andhra Pradesh undertook proactive and sustained family planning measures, successfully stabilising population growth. Similarly, many Northeastern states, despite structural challenges, have made notable progress in literacy and human development indicators. In contrast, several Northern states experienced significantly higher population growth rates. If parliamentary representation is recalibrated strictly on the basis of population, states that effectively implemented population control policies may paradoxically face reduced political representation. This raises a moral and policy contradiction. Should good governance and demographic responsibility be penalised?
Economic and Social Contributions Matter
Representation must also account for qualitative progress. Southern states have emerged as economic powerhouses, contributing substantially to India’s GDP and demonstrating strong performance in per capita income, healthcare, and education. Northeastern states, though smaller in population, have made commendable strides in literacy and other social indicators. A democratic system that values only numerical strength risks overlooking these contributions. True representation should balance population with performance, ensuring that states driving economic growth and social progress retain a meaningful voice in national decision-making.
The Case for Northeastern Empowerment
The Northeastern region presents a unique and compelling case. Comprising smaller states with limited populations, the region has historically faced political marginalisation. Geographic isolation, ethnic diversity and strategic vulnerabilities, particularly porous international borders make robust representation not just a democratic necessity but a national imperative. The proposed expansion of Parliament should address this imbalance. Ensuring a minimum threshold of representation—for instance, 8–10 seats in the Lok Sabha and 4–5 seats in the Rajya Sabha for smaller Northeastern states while Assam may increase from 14 to 25 seats in the Lok Sabha. This would significantly enhance participation in national governance. This is not merely about numbers; it is about voice, visibility and inclusion.
It is important to note that the Northeastern states’ share in Lok Sabha may decline from 4.4% to 3.8% in the proposed expansion as the current framework rewards demographic weight rather than developmental indices. Article 81(2) (a) of the Constitution of India states: “the allocation of seats in the House of the People to the States shall be in such manner that the ratio between the population of each State and the number of seats allotted to it is, so far as practicable, the same for all States.”
In absolute terms, the Hindi heartland would gain 159 seats (a 77% increase over its current 207), while the South would gain only 44 (a 33% increase over 132). The Northeast’s increase would also be limited to about 33% from its existing 25 seats—translating into an increase of only 8–9 seats for the entire region. This imbalance becomes even more striking when viewed comparatively. Uttar Pradesh alone is likely to have more than 130 seats in the expanded Lok Sabha, whereas the entire Northeastern region may have only about 33–34 seats. Such an outcome raises serious concerns about the political future of the region.
Concerns over “Pro Rata” Claims
The Government has been stating that no state will lose seats on a “pro rata basis,” asserting that there will be a proportional increase across the country. However, the proposed Bills contain no mechanism to guarantee the preservation of existing seat proportions. Article 81(2)(a), which remains unchanged, mandates population-proportional allocation rather than a uniform percentage increase. In effect, delimitation would be based on population proportions derived from the latest available census i.e. 2011 Census. Under such a framework, Northern states are likely to be the principal beneficiaries, while Southern and Northeastern states may experience a relative decline in their share of representation if the Lok Sabha expands to 850 seats based on 2011 Census. This shift in balance of power appears inevitable.
Learning from Federal Models
Federal democracies worldwide offer useful lessons. A prominent example is the United States, where each state, regardless of size or population, has equal representation in the Senate. This ensures that smaller states are not overshadowed by larger ones and that federal decision-making remains balanced. While India may not replicate such models in entirety, it can adapt the underlying principle. Equitable representation must complement proportional representation. India’s bicameral system is well suited for this, with the Rajya Sabha playing a stronger role in safeguarding the interests of smaller states.
Towards a Fair Delimitation Framework
The forthcoming delimitation exercise should adopt a balanced approach. While population may remain a key criterion, it should be moderated by additional factors such as:
· Demographic responsibility (success in population control)
· Economic contribution
· Social development indicators
· Geographic and strategic considerations
· Minimum guaranteed representation for smaller states
Such a framework would ensure that no region feels politically diminished or disadvantaged.
A Call for Collective Action
In this context, the leadership of the Northeastern states must act decisively. Convening Special Sessions of State Assemblies to pass resolutions advocating fair representation would send a strong and unified message. Southern states, too, should articulate their concerns constructively within the national discourse. This is a defining moment. Failure to assert these concerns now could shape India’s political landscape for decades to come.
Given these serious concerns, it is imperative that the Chief Ministers of the Northeastern states convene a joint emergency meeting to address this issue. Members of Parliament (MPs) from Northeast India, irrespective of political affiliation, must also come together for a joint emergency meeting, set aside party interests and make concerted efforts in Parliament to ensure that the legitimate aspirations of the region are not ignored.
Women’s Reservation Act, 2023
It is important to briefly examine the Nari Shakti Vandan Adhiniyam, 2023 (also known as the Women’s Reservation Act, 2023), as it is closely linked to the proposed expansion of the Lok Sabha and State Assemblies. Key features of the Act include:
1. It is a constitutional amendment law formally known as the Constitution (One Hundred and Sixth Amendment) Act, 2023.
2. It was passed by Parliament in September 2023 and subsequently received Presidential assent.
3. It aims to ensure greater political representation for women.
4. It seeks to strengthen gender equality in governance.
5. It reserves one-third (33%) of seats in:
· Lok Sabha (but not the Rajya Sabha)
· State Legislative Assemblies
· Delhi Legislative Assembly
6. This reservation also applies within seats reserved for:
· Scheduled Castes (SCs)
· Scheduled Tribes (STs)
· One-third of these reserved seats will also be allocated to women.
7. Reserved constituencies will be rotated periodically after delimitation.
8. The reservation is intended to operate for 15 years, unless extended by Parliament.
Conclusion
India’s strength lies in its diversity, not just of people but also of experiences, achievements and aspirations. A democratic system that relies solely on population risks undermining this richness. As the country moves toward expanding its Parliament and State Legislatures, it must ensure that representation reflects fairness, balance and foresight. The objective is not to pit regions against one another but to build a system in which every state, large or small, populous or sparse feels equally participated in the Union. Only then can India truly realize its aspiration of becoming a vibrant, inclusive and successful democracy.
Mathiupuang Gonmei
(The writer is a Social Worker and former Assistant Registrar of IGNOU, New Delhi)